Kamran Nasirli

The issue of political prisoners in Azerbaijan has for decades remained one of the clearest indicators of the deep structural flaws within the country’s political system. This is not only a matter of human rights violations. It is also a visible sign of an ongoing institutional crisis in the relationship between the state and its citizens.

As the authorities continue to show systematic intolerance toward dissent and turn legal mechanisms into tools of political pressure, Azerbaijan’s democratic institutions are rapidly degrading.

For years, the Azerbaijani government has used the issue of political prisoners as a bargaining chip in its relations with the European Union, the Council of Europe, and the United States. The logic of “you take a step, and I will release a prisoner” has not only destroyed the transparency of political dialogue, but has also turned human rights into a political instrument. In the shadow of this political bargaining, the lives of innocent people are being destroyed.

Today, international organizations refer to nearly 400 political prisoners in Azerbaijan — a number that clearly shows the scale of the problem.

For years, Azerbaijan has ranked not only among the worst in the region, but across the entire European continent in terms of the number of political prisoners. This fact reveals several striking paradoxes:

• A country with a population of only 10 million has become the state with the highest number of political prisoners in Europe;
• In no other European country are politically motivated arrests so systematic, widespread, and continuous;
• Even in Balkan and Eastern European countries known for democratic shortcomings, there is no comparable number of political prisoners.

These figures show that repression in Azerbaijan has become a rare and deeply alarming exception on the European scale.

An even more disturbing comparison can be made with Russia. Russia has a population of around 145 million, while Azerbaijan’s population is only around 10 million. Yet the number of political prisoners in both countries is roughly at a similar level. This means that, in terms of political prisoners per one million people, Azerbaijan exceeds Russia by approximately 10 to 14 times. This ratio is almost unparalleled in both Europe and Eurasia.

Politically motivated arrests do not target only opposition figures. They now affect almost every critical layer of society: journalists, investigative reporters exposing corruption, women journalists, social and civic activists, animal rights defenders, and environmental activists.

The imprisonment of women journalists, in particular, shows how deeply rooted gender-based discrimination and outdated stereotypes remain in society. Even the arrest of activists peacefully protesting for animal protection or environmental causes proves that repression has now reached everyday civic life.

The detention of Vugar Mammadov, editor-in-chief of the Hurriyyet newspaper and a member of the Supreme Council of the Azerbaijan Democratic Party, is another strategic blow against media freedom. Such pressure on the media eliminates critical thought, brings the information space under full control, and paralyzes democratic processes.

Repression may create fear in the short term, but it cannot guarantee long-term stability. On the contrary, it deepens social dissatisfaction, polarizes society, creates fertile ground for radicalization, and destroys trust between the state and its citizens.

Silencing a journalist, a woman activist, an environmental defender, or an animal rights advocate is, in itself, a serious crime. History shows that systems built on fear and force collapse at the first serious shock.

For this reason, the Azerbaijani authorities must release political prisoners, ensure the independence of the judiciary, and allow society to breathe through freedom of speech and freedom of thought. The release of women journalists, social activists, environmental activists, and animal rights defenders would be an essential step toward the country’s democratic recovery.

There is also a frequent question: “Who is there, apart from 10 or 15 people?”

History has already answered this question.

Yes, perhaps for now, it may seem that there are only 10 or 15 people — a few journalists, human rights defenders, and activists. But history shows that all major changes have always begun with a committed minority.

The French Revolution began with a small active minority.
The collapse of the Soviet Union was driven by a small but decisive section of society.
The Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia began with a limited but principled civic movement.
Georgia’s transformation also started with a relatively small group demanding change.

No nation in history has ever risen all at once. Change begins with small, free, and principled minorities.

And today, that minority still exists in Azerbaijan.